The Permanent Revolution Collective (CoReP) is a small international coalition of groups in Austria (less than 10), in the Spanish State (less than 10), in France (around 20), in Turkey (more than 30).
As such, it began 20 years ago: in late 2002 in Argentina an international conference was called by the LOI (Liga Obrera Internacionalista, a split from the PTS), with groups from the International Workers League – Fourth International Movement for a Revolutionary Communist International, now L5I, from the International Committee of the Fourth International / Organising Committee for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International.
Provisional bases were set up in 2003:
But in in 2004 we broke with the LOI and its fraction broke with the Collective for two reasons:
(i) they gave up the necessity of a party,
(ii) Under the pretext of anti-imperialism, they capitulated to Islamism, in spite of the lessons of counter-revolutions of Indonesia in 1963 and of Iran in 1979. A decade later, the LOI gave troops to Jihadists in Syria, with the applause of RKOB of Austria and CWG of New Zealand.
So, we were very happy a few months ago to converge with the PCdL of Italy on Ukraine after the collapse of its Coordination for the refoundation of the Fourth International. Of course, we tried to pursue this, to adopt further resolutions and to convene an international conference together. But the leadership of the PCL preferred more large organizations as the PO of Argentine and the RRP of Russia, in spite of their disagreement on Russia and Ukraine.
Our aim is clear. It is to build a revolutionary workers’ International as a historical continuation of the Communist League, of the General Council of the International Working men Association, of the internationalist wing of the Workers’ International, of the Communist International, of the 4th International. It cannot be the resurrection of one of them, but something new.
Several issues are crucial:
(i) A central feature of the world situation is a deepening crisis of the leadership of the proletariat. It suffered a major blow with the restoration of capitalism in the late 80s and early 90s in Eastern Europe, Russia and China, which entailed a move of the international workers’ movement to the right. As usual, centrism followed a similar move, including organizations from the late 4th International: attempts to create large parties, further inclusion in union bureaucracies… The bourgeois subject countries cannot rest of the Soviet Union or the Popular Republic of China anymore. Hence the rise of clericalism, especially Islamism as a form of counter-revolution.
(ii) Reformism doesn’t not include nationalist bourgeois parties or regimes. It is a trend within the workers’ movement, the most influent one. It is the nature of the corrupt bureaucracies of the social-patriotic parties and of the unions. Entryism in these organizations is an option, not in bourgeois parties. The workers’ united front is about workers’ organizations, not “the left”, not nationalist bourgeois parties. Communist today strategy, that is to say permanent revolution, conflicts with any kind of popular front, including in dominated countries, the so-called anti-imperialist united front.
(iii) With the decay of capitalism, we observe the re-emergence of real fascist groups, which physically attack minorities as well as the workers’ movement. Everywhere the bourgeoisie encourages xenophobic and clericals parties.
(iv) Spontaneous mass movements did not stop because of the capitalist restauration, but they are less related with the working class than they used to be in the sixties and in the seventies. They wear a more multiclass character, they are more influenced by the petite-bourgeoisies of by some sections of the bourgeoisie, whether it is national or international, than used to be. Sometimes, the bourgeoisie draws on popular fronts, like in Colombia or Chile to fool the masses. Revolutionary workers’ parties, together with a revolutionary workers’ International are necessary for giving these movements a class character.
(v) No one can say where the vital forces of the next revolutionary workers’ International will appear. We have no reason to limit them to the organizations which claim to be Trotskyist. So we are ready to collaborate with any comrade, tendency, group, organization on the basis of a common assessment of the main problems of the world class struggle. We are ready to merge on the basis of an agreement the main tasks.
(vi) What is sure is that, to build the revolutionary workers’ International, communists must fight against bourgeois nationalism, fight against reformism, fight against centrism which speaks of revolution but follow the former ones. We need to fight all bourgeois agencies by propaganda and to advocate within masses which learn by experience so that they can find the conscious way to the revolution. This includes mainly self-organization (elected and centralized committees) and self-defense of the workers and the oppressed.
(vii) As said 1940 Manifesto of the Fourth international:
As such, it began 20 years ago: in late 2002 in Argentina an international conference was called by the LOI (Liga Obrera Internacionalista, a split from the PTS), with groups from the International Workers League – Fourth International Movement for a Revolutionary Communist International, now L5I, from the International Committee of the Fourth International / Organising Committee for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International.
Provisional bases were set up in 2003:
- The necessity of the revolutionary party
- The defense of the permanent revolution, against the anti-imperialist united front
- The arming of the masses and the necessity of the insurrection, against pacifism, against the constituent assemble, in countries with multiparty system and democratic liberties (like in Argentina)
But in in 2004 we broke with the LOI and its fraction broke with the Collective for two reasons:
(i) they gave up the necessity of a party,
(ii) Under the pretext of anti-imperialism, they capitulated to Islamism, in spite of the lessons of counter-revolutions of Indonesia in 1963 and of Iran in 1979. A decade later, the LOI gave troops to Jihadists in Syria, with the applause of RKOB of Austria and CWG of New Zealand.
So, we were very happy a few months ago to converge with the PCdL of Italy on Ukraine after the collapse of its Coordination for the refoundation of the Fourth International. Of course, we tried to pursue this, to adopt further resolutions and to convene an international conference together. But the leadership of the PCL preferred more large organizations as the PO of Argentine and the RRP of Russia, in spite of their disagreement on Russia and Ukraine.
Our aim is clear. It is to build a revolutionary workers’ International as a historical continuation of the Communist League, of the General Council of the International Working men Association, of the internationalist wing of the Workers’ International, of the Communist International, of the 4th International. It cannot be the resurrection of one of them, but something new.
Several issues are crucial:
(i) A central feature of the world situation is a deepening crisis of the leadership of the proletariat. It suffered a major blow with the restoration of capitalism in the late 80s and early 90s in Eastern Europe, Russia and China, which entailed a move of the international workers’ movement to the right. As usual, centrism followed a similar move, including organizations from the late 4th International: attempts to create large parties, further inclusion in union bureaucracies… The bourgeois subject countries cannot rest of the Soviet Union or the Popular Republic of China anymore. Hence the rise of clericalism, especially Islamism as a form of counter-revolution.
(ii) Reformism doesn’t not include nationalist bourgeois parties or regimes. It is a trend within the workers’ movement, the most influent one. It is the nature of the corrupt bureaucracies of the social-patriotic parties and of the unions. Entryism in these organizations is an option, not in bourgeois parties. The workers’ united front is about workers’ organizations, not “the left”, not nationalist bourgeois parties. Communist today strategy, that is to say permanent revolution, conflicts with any kind of popular front, including in dominated countries, the so-called anti-imperialist united front.
(iii) With the decay of capitalism, we observe the re-emergence of real fascist groups, which physically attack minorities as well as the workers’ movement. Everywhere the bourgeoisie encourages xenophobic and clericals parties.
(iv) Spontaneous mass movements did not stop because of the capitalist restauration, but they are less related with the working class than they used to be in the sixties and in the seventies. They wear a more multiclass character, they are more influenced by the petite-bourgeoisies of by some sections of the bourgeoisie, whether it is national or international, than used to be. Sometimes, the bourgeoisie draws on popular fronts, like in Colombia or Chile to fool the masses. Revolutionary workers’ parties, together with a revolutionary workers’ International are necessary for giving these movements a class character.
(v) No one can say where the vital forces of the next revolutionary workers’ International will appear. We have no reason to limit them to the organizations which claim to be Trotskyist. So we are ready to collaborate with any comrade, tendency, group, organization on the basis of a common assessment of the main problems of the world class struggle. We are ready to merge on the basis of an agreement the main tasks.
(vi) What is sure is that, to build the revolutionary workers’ International, communists must fight against bourgeois nationalism, fight against reformism, fight against centrism which speaks of revolution but follow the former ones. We need to fight all bourgeois agencies by propaganda and to advocate within masses which learn by experience so that they can find the conscious way to the revolution. This includes mainly self-organization (elected and centralized committees) and self-defense of the workers and the oppressed.
(vii) As said 1940 Manifesto of the Fourth international:
The International builds its program upon the granite theoretical foundations of Marxism. It rejects the contemptible eclecticism which now dominates the ranks of the official labour bureaucracy and which most frequently serves as a cloak for capitulation to bourgeois democracy… Our program can be summed up in two words: proletarian dictatorship.